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It seems apparent that the quality and quantity of a
child’s relationships have much to do with
adjustment.
If situational stressors prevent a child from actualizing
the most important social needs and strivings appropriate
to his or her developmental level of maturity, then
negative emotional effects would become more
likely. But
simply describing the major social aspects of early
adolescent development such as attachments and
friendships does not necessarily bring us any closer to
understanding the effects of long commutes on
children.
Rather, it highlights the developmental context for the
research data of the present study.
If we view adolescent depression in a
developmental and maturational context, then depression
may be seen as a response to the stress of transitions
and stages, both physiological and social. Adolescent depression
may be a consequence of unresolved struggles in the
transition process of identity formation (Butman &
Arp, 1990).
Part of identify formation may be seen as a bid for more
independence from parental control on the part of the
child.
Family Life-Cycle theory maintains that as children reach
adolescence and begin to seek out more outside influence,
the family system undergoes a strain. Prior to adolescence,
the parents have the greatest degree of influence on the
children’s values and activities. But as the young
adolescent begins to differentiate from the family as a
whole, all the relationships in the family undergo
strain. The
stress of this transition is resolved as the family
adjusts to the new reality of outside influence playing a
greater role in the family system. If the family resists
this transition, the stress for all family members is
prolonged (Carter & McGoldrick, 1988).
The significance of this may be simply that the home
consequences of commuting stress spill over into a family
system already under stress. This stress may be due
to the presence of an adolescent in the home and the
developmental transitions in progress both in terms of
the individual adolescent and the family life
cycle.
How do the characteristics of adolescent social
development described above shed light on the possible
emotional effects of having parents who have long
commutes to and from a full-time job? We can look at this
question from two perspectives. First, as
pre-adolescents begin to experience less dependence upon
their parents, having less time with their parents due to
lengthy commutes might be less likely to have a negative
emotional impact as compared with the impact on a younger
child. This
has a certain plausibility about it, particularly if we
consider that the fulfillment of needs for friendship may
provide a compensating resource by which a child copes
with the absence of commuting parents. For example, perhaps
the pre-adolescent who must wait longer for her mother to
return from work will tend to have a greater number of
intimate interactions with a best friend over the
phone.
A second standpoint from which to address the question of
the effects of commuting emphasizes the sheer volume of
stressors characteristic of early adolescence. We have
seen that there appear to be various dimensions of stress
and strain for the early adolescent. Numerous concurrent
changes are occurring in family, educational,
physiological, and social realms, as well as the
interactions between these. While it may be going
too far to consider these changes traumatic, they
certainly tax whatever positive coping resources exist
for the child (whether internal or external). Because of this, it
appears consistent with the salient features of social
development to predict that young adolescents of parents
who have long commutes will tend to experience greater
emotional distress than those children who have at least
one parent available to them in late afternoon and early
evening.
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